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里根:请拆掉这堵墙吧

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请拆掉这堵墙吧
美国总统里根1987年在柏林墙下的演说

四十年之后的今天,在整个世界,这里有一个伟大和无法逃避的结论:自由导致繁荣,自由使得各个国家由于礼让和宽容来替换古老的憎恨。自由是胜利者!

戈尔巴乔夫总书记,如果你真的要寻找和平,你真的愿为苏联和东欧寻找繁荣,你真的想寻找自由,那么你就来到这扇门前吧!戈尔巴乔夫先生,打开这扇门吧!戈尔巴乔夫先生,拆掉这堵墙吧!

并且我将邀请戈尔巴乔夫先生: 让我们一起工作为东西柏林的人们做点什么吧, 让我们携起手来为人类的自由幸福做点什么吧!以便有一天,整个柏林的全部居民都能享受自由和繁华,整个人类都能生活在宽容、自由、幸福和尊严之中!

在墙上,有一条德国人民镌刻的句子:.”这堵墙将倒下,梦想终将成为现实。是的,穿过欧洲,这堵墙将倒下,因为对于它而言,它经不起良知的信任; 它经不起真理的拷问,它经不起自由的天性!

非常感谢。

科尔总理,Diepgen市长,女士们先生们,24 年以前,约翰·F.。肯尼迪总统访问柏林,在市政厅向人们提及本市和世界。从那以后两位其他总统也已来到柏林,而 今天我自己也开始了我的第2 次访问。

我们来到柏林,我们美国的总统们来这里讲话是因为捍卫自由是我们的职责, 但是今天我必须承认,我也被其他东西所折服: 本市悠久的历史比我的国家古老500年,Grunewald 和Tiergarten大街让我知到了什么是美丽,你们的勇气和决心 ,等等等等,这些都让我折服。或许作曲家保罗Lincke 理解关于美国总统的某些事情,你们明白,就像在我之前的那么多总统一样,因为无论我去哪里,我做什么,我今天来到这里:  Ich habe noch einen Koffer in Berlin(在柏林我还有一只箱子。)今天,我们的集会正被整个西欧和北美现场直播, 我也知道在东方它也能被看见被听到。 对于那些正在临听的东欧人民来说,我有一句特别的话要说:虽然我不能和你们在一起,但是我对你们讲的话就和对那些站在我面前的人民所讲的一样,那就是这里有一个坚定的,不可变更的信念:: Es gibt nur ein Berlin (这里只有一个柏林)!

在我后面有一个包围着本市自由的墙,它是一个将全欧洲分割的巨大邪恶系统的一部分。一堵从波罗的海绵延到南方的无形之墙,那些墙是在一个个有着带刺铁丝,凶猛狼狗和全副武装的军人把守。 或许在更远的南方,我们可能不会看见一堵明显的墙,但是那里仍然有着武装的警卫和关卡!在墙的那边,一个极权国家仍然在残酷的控 制着他的人民,没有旅行,不能出国,言论不自由,然而,没有哪个地方比我们柏林更能感受到这种区别了,在这里, 抄近路穿过你的城市,通过高山向对面看去,一个野蛮的分离清晰的印在那里。站在勃兰登堡门,我们每个人是一名德国人,被迫与我们的同胞分离;我们 每个人是一名柏林人,被迫看那惨痛的伤痕。

冯Weizsacker 总统已经说过,”只要勃兰登堡门被关闭,那么德国的问题就永远没有完”。而今天我要说:“ 只要勃兰登堡门被关上, 只要这堵墙的伤痕还在, 这就不仅仅是德国人自己的问题,而是全人类的问题,是伟大的自由问题”。今天,我来这里绝不是来悲伤, 因为在柏林我们找到了一条希望的消息,一条胜利的消息,即使是在这阴冷的墙下。

在1945年春天的这个季节,柏林人从他们的空袭避难所中走出来。 数千英里外,美国人伸出了援助之手,并且在1947,美国国务卿——乔治。马歇尔宣布那些被称为所谓的“马歇尔计划”将开始实施。确切地讲40 年前的这个月,他说: “我们的政策不是反对任何国家或者任何学说,而是反对全人类共同的敌人——饥饿,贫困,绝望和混乱”。

在前一些时候在Reichstag,我看见为纪念马歇尔计划的第40周年纪念日。在那里,我深深的被德国人民的重建景象打动了,我能理解和我同龄的柏林人当看到那种景象时的心情。我们可以把这一景象简单的理解为: “马歇尔计划在这里帮助和加强了自由世界”。 在西方,一个强大,自由的世界,一个伟大的自由梦想正在成真。日本从废虚中变成为一个经济大国, 意大利,法国,比利时 –实际上每个在西欧的国家都看见了政治和经济的再生,而 欧洲共同体也建立了。

在西德,在柏林这里,这里正进行着经济奇迹,Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter,还有其他领导人,你们非常了解:自由的实际重要性 –只有当记者被给予言论自由时,真理才能被传播, 只有当农场主和商人自由的谈论,经营经济时,繁荣才能发生。西德领导人降低了关税,扩大了自由贸易,降低了税款,等等等等。 仅仅从1950到1960,居住在西德和西柏林 的人民的生活水平提高了无数倍!

四十年前这里是废墟一片,而今天在柏林西部,在德国的任何城市,这里有着最巨大的工业产值 ,有着繁忙的办公区,体面家和公寓,骄傲的大街和青青的草坪。过去这些文化好像被完全破坏的地方,今天已有两所大学,无数的管弦乐队和一个歌剧院,无数的剧院和博物馆,等等等等。 以前物资极度馈乏,今天我们有丰富的食品,衣服,汽车,从破坏中,从完全毁灭中,你们柏林人,用自由哲学,再一次让柏林成为地球上最伟大的城市之一。 那些苏联人可能有其他计划。但是我的朋友,那些苏联人却没有这些事东西-—— Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. (柏林人的心,柏林人的幽默,是的,以及柏林人的嘴舌。)

在20世纪50年代,赫鲁晓夫曾预言: “我们将埋藏你们”!但是在今天的西方,我们看到自由世界已经取得在全部人类历史上空前的繁荣和安宁。而在共产主义者世界,我们看见了失败,看见了技术上的落后,看见了健康的倒退,看见了即使连最起码的东西——食品,都极度馈乏的情形!!即使到了今天,《1987》,苏联人仍然不能喂饱自己。

四十年之后的今天,在整个世界,这里有一个伟大和无法逃避的结论: 自由导致繁荣, 自由使得各个国家由于礼让和宽容来替换古老的憎恨。 自由是胜利者!

现在苏联本身可能以有限的方式,明白自由的重要性。我们经常从莫斯科听到一些关于改革和开放的新政策,一些政治犯已经被释放的传说,某些外国新闻广播不再被阻塞,一些经济企业已经被允许拥有更多的自主权,这些在苏联的变化说明了什么呢???他们的动机是打算在西方煽动错误的价值观呢还是还仅仅加强苏联内部系统而没有任何变化???我们欢迎变化和开放 ,因为我们相信自由和安全相伴,人类自由只会加强世界和平。所以,苏联只有做一件引人注目的,里程碑式事来加强自由才不会被人们误解。

戈尔巴乔夫总书记,如果你真的要寻找和平,你真的愿为苏联和东欧寻找繁荣,你真的想寻找自由,那么你就来到这扇门前吧!戈尔巴乔夫先生,打开这扇门吧!戈尔巴乔夫先生,拆掉这堵墙吧!

我理解战争的恐惧和折磨这个大陆分离的痛苦 ,我向你们保证我的国家会帮助克服这些负担 ,的确如此,我们自由世界必须抵抗苏联的扩张, 因此我们必须保持强大的防御力量。 然而我们从来都在寻找和平,因此我们必须努力使双方面降低军备竞赛。10 年以前开始, 那些苏联人用一次严重的新威胁挑战西方的联盟, 数百新的和更致命SS -20核弹危胁着欧洲的每一个首都。而西方联盟的回答则是通过把自己交给反导部署来应对这一切,当然,这里仍有转机,那就是那些苏联人同意谈判,而不是武力。即,双方面消除这样的武器。 这摸多个月以来,那些苏联人在内心里对契约说不!作为联盟,我们将依次准备实施反部署,有些困难的日子让我想起 –象在我的1982本市之行期间的那些一样的抗议的日子—并且那些苏联人离开了谈判桌。

但是总的来说,联盟将坚持住,并且我会邀请那时抗议的那些人 — 我会邀请今天抗议的这些人来表明这样一个事实,那就是我们强烈的希望苏联回到谈判桌上!!我们仍然希望大家不仅仅是削减点军备,而是不要再乱搞核武器了。

当我讲话时,北约部长们正在冰岛会晤,评论我们的建议来消除这些武器的发展。在日内瓦的会谈中,我们就削减战略性进攻性武器进行了意见交换。并且西方的同盟者已经同样提出深远的提议来降低传统战争的危险并且将一项总禁令放于化学武器上。我们继续这些裁减军备时, 我向你们保证,我们将保持能力阻止苏联在任何程度上的侵略,我们保证!并且和我们的大多数同盟者合作,美国正追随战略防御计划 –不基于制止冒犯和报复,而是在忠实捍卫上的真正捍卫;系统的讲,简而言之, 那将不瞄准人类,而是保护他们。 我们想办法以这个方法来增加欧洲和全世界的安全。但是我们必须记得一个残酷的事实: 东方和西方不敢轻举妄动,是因为我们势均力敌; 而我们势均力敌,又是因为我们彼此猜疑。而且更为重要的是,我们的分歧不是关于武器的,而是关于自由。当肯尼迪总统24 年前在市政厅演讲时,自由被包围,柏林被围攻。 然而今天,尽管全部压力都在本市上,柏林仍然安全地站着在它的自由里。
在菲律宾,在南美和中美洲,民主已经重生。 在整个太平洋地区,自由市场导致的经济增长奇迹一个接一个。在工业化国家,一次技术革命正在发生 ,-一次以在计算机和电信方面的迅速发展为标志的革命正在出现!在欧洲,只有一个国家和它控制的那些地方拒绝参加自由, 然而在加倍的经济增长,信息和革新的这个年代,苏联面临着选择 :它必须做基本的改变,否则它将变得过时。

今天,我们在这里如此描述希望的时刻: 我们西方准备好与东方合作并提升真实的开放, 打破分开人们的障碍,建立一个安全,自由的世界。我想没有哪个地方比柏林更适合作为连接东西方人民的纽带了。

柏林的自由人民们, 美国今天会像过去一样,坚定的捍卫人类的自由和尊严,无论前面的道路有多么凶险,无论极权者有多么的虚伪。让我们借这个机会, 本市的750周年纪念日,迎接一个新的时代,为将来的柏林寻找一个仍然充实,富有的生活。并且我将邀请戈尔巴乔夫先生: 让我们一起工作为东西柏林的人们做点什么吧, 让我们携起手来为人类的自由,幸福做点什么吧!以便有一天,整个柏林的全部居民都能享受自由和繁华,整个人类都能生活在宽容,自由,幸福和尊严之中!在墙上,有一条德国人民镌刻的句子:.”这堵墙将倒下,梦想终将成为现实。是的,穿过欧洲,这堵墙将倒下,因为对于它而言,它经不起良知的信任; 它经不起真理的拷问,它经不起自由的天性!

在我结束我的演讲之前,我还要多说几句话。我自从来到这个地方就已经知道也被人问起过关于某些团体在抗拒我的到来的事情。对于他们,我只想说一件事,我希望知道他们是否思考过,如果我们努力寻找的政府是合理美好的,那么我们将创造出永远无法复制的历史!!!

让我们再一次为人类的自由呐喊吧!让我们再一次为人类的自由欢呼吧!谢谢大家,上帝会保佑你们的。

原文:Tear Down This Wall 拆掉这堵墙吧

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate
West Berlin, Germany
June 12, 1987
President Ronald Reagon:

Thank you very much.

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it’s our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same–still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State–as you’ve been told–George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium–virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty–that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany–busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city’s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there’s abundance–food, clothing, automobiles–the wonderful goods of the Ku’damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn’t count on–Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]

In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.” But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind–too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.

General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent– and I pledge to you my country’s efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days–days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city–and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then– I invite those who protest today–to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative–research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place–a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation.

There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I’m certain, will do the same. And it’s my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea–South Korea–has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West? In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You’ve done so in spite of threats–the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there’s a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there’s something deeper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life–not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love–love both profound and abiding.

Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower’s one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere–that sphere that towers over all Berlin–the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner: “This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.” Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I’ve been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they’re doing again.

Thank you and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 2:20 p.m. at the Brandenburg Gate. In his opening remarks, he referred to West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Prior to his remarks, President Reagan met with West German President Richard von Weizsacker and the Governing Mayor of West Berlin Eberhard Diepgen at Schloss Bellevue, President Weizsacker’s official residence in West Berlin. Following the meeting, President Reagan went to the Reichstag, where he viewed the Berlin Wall from the East Balcony